Sunday, October 4, 2009
Soldiers and Nature
THE Indian Army’s heritage of valour on the battlefield is a byword in the annals of world military histories. But the Indian Army’s equally distinguished and scholarly heritage in the field of India’s Natural History, remains generally unknown and unsung."
Thus goes the opening para of J. C. Daniel and Lieut-Gen Baljit Singh’s book Natural History and the Indian Army, a quest to unveil this hidden heritage. The book is a compilation of 25 articles (each constituting one chapter) written by 19 Indian Army Officers, 16 of whom were Britishers and three Indians.
On the strength of expertise, 12 of them went on to establish paternity claims in their respective disciplines — an honour which was, and is, universally acknowledged in the world of natural history. So, Lieut-Col K.R. Kirtikar became the "father" of medicinal plants, Brigadier Evans of the butterflies, Brig-General Richard G. Burton of the Royal Bengal Tiger and so on.
The first chapter, which covers a period of 225 years (1778 to 2004), summarises the investigations into the field biology of birds, mammals, butterflies, reptiles, rodents, fish, natural photography and medicinal plants. It also looks at the doings of the principal trendsetters among the phalanx of Army officer-naturalists who pioneered the discovery of "Natural India". It was an incredible achievement considering every involvement was essentially in the manner of a hobby, pursued on the sidelines of their profession.
The book chooses the arrival of Thomas Hardwicke at Fort William, Calcutta, in 1778 as synonymous with the commencement of comprehensive scientific inquiry of India’s fauna, as a whole.
From being an artillery cadet in the Bengal Presidency Army, Hardwicke rose to the rank of a Major-General at the time of his retirement in 1823. No one knows what attracted him to natural history. But what we do know is that the British Museum of Natural History (BMNH), London, considered his "collection" matchless. So, when in 1820, they decided to have a permanent and exclusive display of the natural history of India, their unanimous choice was to pick from General Hardwicke’s collection that had been generously donated to them.
Measured by any yardstick, General Hardwicke was the colossus of Indian natural history. He had written the first scientific descriptions of several species of birds, mammals, rodents and reptiles. These descriptions were read at the meetings of the Linnaean Society, London, and he was accorded recognition for the claim — the blood pheasant in 1821, the grey goral in 1819, the Indian gerbille in 1803 and the Kashmir agama in 1820, to mention a few. For some inexplicable reason, his description of the red panda was deferred in presentation and someone else claimed the credit in the meanwhile.
Perhaps, it was unusual for a soldier to tread upon the scientist’s turf. So the recognition was slow in coming but it could not be denied. And the Latinised name Hardwickii was appended to the names of certain birds, mammals, rodents, butterflies and even one species of the teak tree.
But this dream of publishing a book was thwarted by the lack of finances. Nevertheless, the curator of the BMNH brought out in two volumes Illustrations of Indian Zoology: Chiefly From the Collection of Major-Gen Thomas Hardwicke in 1830-34. This became the first book on Indian natural history. Unfortunately only one damaged copy of Vol 2 exits in India with The Asiatic Society, Mumbai.
General Hardwicke and the officer-naturalists who followed shared two common traits. They were dedicated to the profession of Army first and foremost but seized every opportunity to pursue their passion for natural history. General Hardwicke was twice rewarded for valour on the battlefield (monetary grant in those days) even as he amassed his "collections".
All these books were published at Jerdon’s personal cost. When he died, his wife and two children had to move into a vicarage in the UK as they were rendered insolvent.
Lieut-Col J. H. Williams, affectionately known as "Elephant Bill", was an emergency commissioned officer during the Second World War. Besides rapid promotions, he was also awarded the Order of the British Empire (OBE). Burma had a flourishing timber trade for which hundreds of elephants were employed. When the Japanese over-ran Burma in 1941, all these elephants wandered into the wild in search of food. Captain Williams took on the task of clandestinely contacting their old mahouts and gathered more than 60 working elephants. Field Marshall Sir William Slim in the foreword to the book Elephant Bill best relates what Williams and his elephants did for the war effort.
".......... the elephant held a special place in our esteem....... it was the elephants’ dignity and intelligence that gained our real respect. To watch an elephant building a bridge, to see the skill with which the great beast lifted the huge logs and the accuracy with which they were coaxed into position, was to realise that the trained elephant was not a mere transport animal, but indeed a skilled sapper". Helen of Troy may or may not actually have launched a thousand ships but the Asian Elephants of Colonel Williams certainly bridged scores of streams allowing the XIV Army the needed mobility to out flank, trap and destroy the Japanese at Meiktilla.
When Capt R.W.G. Hingston was appointed medical officer to the 1924 Everest expedition, he was bewildered as the highest mountain that he had ever climbed was the Snowdon in the UK (below 3,000 ft). Yet, on the sidelines of his job he collected, by his rough estimate nearly 5,000 "bugs" from the Everest region, which he said "will keep entomologists busy classifying them for years to come".
In the bargain, he also authored A Naturalist in the Himalayas and later A Naturalist in Hindustan. And of course, he created a record by going up to the North Col and back to the Everest base camp three times in two weeks to provide life-saving medical aid.
Brig-Gen R.G. Burton was not just a trigger-happy hunter but an authority on the tiger as his book The Story of the Tiger was to establish. More than that he was a cerebral soldier whose writings on military campaigns were much acclaimed. His book Napolean’s Military Campaigns in three volumes became an official text for promotion examinations in the Army.
Then there was Maj Frank Wall with the British Expeditionary Force to Iraq in the First World War, who is remembered as the "father" of Indian herpetology. His watercolours of snakes, which illustrated his texts, have never been excelled. The force had laid siege to Baghdad and during the long lull that followed, he pasted posters on date-palm trunks announcing a reward of one packet of cigarette for a dead snake or skin and two packets plus and tealeaf for every live snake. It was a roaring success and his collection was housed in a special niche at the Bombay Natural History Society’s premises in Mumbai.
Lieut-Col R.S.P. Bates of the First Royal Jat Regiment introduced bird photography in India and won international acclaim in the discipline. He went on to author the path-breaking book Breeding Birds of Kashmir in 1952 illustrated profusely with pictures clicked by him.
The book is a tribute to the remarkable personality of the Indian Army and its officer-cadre. For not only did the soldiers protect the country’s frontiers but its officer-naturalists also fought the battle to conserve India’s incomparable natural heritage spread over a vast geographical area, encompassing almost every type of climate met with in the world.
And last but not the least, Lieut-Colonel Burton provided a framework around which Nehru created the Indian Board for Wildlife in 1952; Lieut-Colonel Burton’s exposition forms the concluding chapter of the book.
The book bears testimony to an observation made by John Keay in his travelogue, India Discovered:
"The men who discovered India were amateurs; by profession they were soldiers and administrators. But they returned home as giants of scholarship."
http://www.tribuneindia.com/2009/20091004/spectrum/main1.htm
Army joins rescue work in flood-hit areas of AP, Ktk
New Delhi, Oct 3 (PTI) Around 700 troops along with eight medical teams have been deployed by the Indian army to carry out relief and rescue operations in the flood-affected districts of Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka.
"We have deployed eight columns along with medical teams and adequate rescue equipment and materials in Kurnool and Mehboobnagar districts in Andhra Pradesh and at Bijapur in Karnataka since yesterday to help the civil administration in relief and rescue operations," army officials said here.
The local administration had sought Defence Ministry's assistance in relief operations after the flood situation worsened, they said.
The Indian Air Force is also carrying out relief operations in the affected areas. Six helicopters swung into action yesterday evacuating people and dropping relief material, mainly food packets.
Till last night, the IAF had rescued 44 people, including 12 from Bellary district in Karnataka.
Saturday, October 3, 2009
IIT Professors: Maligned or Mollycoddled?
On first glance, the average educated Indian heart bleeds at the plight of our IIT professors. Mine did too. It appears they have decided to starve, so that our nation may grow healthier.
Old wounds are quickly re-opened. Anger comes flooding in... about reservations, government meddling in teaching content, subverting fine educational institutions et al.
And then there is this halo about the IITs and IIMs in the national psyche. To top it all, our inherent respect for our gurus, causes us to feel for them in a culturally unique manner that works in favour of the striking professors.
But, for a moment, if we take a step back and look at the matter as it stands, several key questions arise, that deserve to be asked. And answered.
Firstly, in terms of quality of life, is an IIT professor really living on the fringes of society? Staying in a crowded mohalla somewhere, and catching a public bus to go to work everyday?
Not really... most of them have very comfortable campus homes, in green, pollution-free and well-maintained environments. They stroll to work, breathing fresher air than what is available to even a Mercedes passenger on the roads outside.
So let's talk quality of life here, and not just how many greenbacks the government is pouring into one's bank a/c.
Should performance be rewarded? Sure. That, too, is a no-brainer.
But, even in the corporate sector, one does not get paid more merely for having joined a particular company. You have to demonstrate individual merit. There are performance targets. If one overachieves, one is recognised.
The argument that an IIT professor is somehow a more enlightened being, and is doing more important service than someone teaching, at, say, a government arts college, is an arrogant assumption in itself.
The arrogance is unravelled by one simple fact. Not only does the government provide good facilities and a decent base pay package, it also allows the professors to take on consulting assignments and earn as much as they wish to.
The truth is several of these professors do earn big bucks on the basis of their individual brilliance, through consulting engagements.
Then the bogey of “brain drain”. Another one of those scare tactics, designed to create the hype that we are soon going to be bereft of all talent. But, if one considers it, this disparity exists in almost every single field of public service today.
The brightest army men in India get paid lesser than their counterparts in the US... so do the police... so do CEOs of public sector banks, and so on and so forth.
So are we to assume that everyone is on the cusp of quitting en masse, and heading for distant shores. If they are, why haven't they done so over the last 30 years?
Finally, the shrill cries for autonomy. Every intelligent Indian wants to see lesser and lesser government intervention in the running of academic institutions. But, let’s also ask, what have these institutions done for themselves over the decades to justify and take forward such a demand?
Over the years, they have remained content to largely survive on tax payer money. Except for the odd lab or endowment scheme floated by enthusiastic alumni, there appear to be hardly any consistent self-funding mechanisms in evidence, or even being worked upon.
There is no corpus built up. There are no lines of PPP programmes being rolled out. Neither are the honorable professors able to make themselves generally wealthy, nor the institutions that they work for!
Then on what basis can a dependent child negotiate with its parent for freedom?
At the end of it all, one is left feeling somewhat bemused. We want to stand by our elite institutions and its erudite professors. We would like to help them break free from the chains of government.
If only they would be willing to get out of their comfortable armchairs inside cocooned campuses, and take the trouble to do so!
China flaunts visa power
I WONDER : As always, UPA taken by surprise and its time for govt to regret once more!
As always, UPA taken by surprise!
That the Chinese Embassy here has started issuing visas in the form of separate stapled sheets to those from Jammu & Kashmir wanting to visit China is a move that has been clearly designed to provoke India further. Although Chinese Embassy officials have tried their best to play down the matter saying that these were valid visas and that it is the Indian immigration authorities’ problem that they were not being accepted, the message behind the move is too conspicuous to be overlooked. China had recently started issuing these ‘new’ visas to those hailing from Arunachal Pradesh, which it considers a part of ‘south Tibet’. That these visas are now being issued to those from Jammu & Kashmir could only mean one thing — Beijing questions the status of Jammu & Kashmir as a State of the Union of India. Whichever way one looks at it, and no matter how much of a sophisticated spin Beijing tries to put on its decision to issue these ‘new’ visas, the bottom line is China has decided to undertake a campaign aimed at frustrating India on several fronts. The Chinese military’s incursions and Beijing’s stance on border related issues are just part of this elaborate campaign. So are China’s efforts to stonewall India at various international fora and Beijing’s aggressive drive to acquire naval bases in South Asia to encircle India. The ‘new’ visas are yet another Chinese ploy to get India worked up.
It is becoming increasingly apparent that China has a specific strategy vis-à-vis India. It is also becoming evident that New Delhi has little or no clue as to what that is. This can be gauged by the awkward responses the Government has been making. On the Chinese incursions, the Government first tried to play down the intrusions, then said they were nothing new and that the media was guilty of ‘hyping’ things up, and finally meekly added that our armed forces were capable of meeting any challenge. On the visa issue, all that our Ministry of External Affairs could muster up is an expression of “justified concern” to the Chinese Government. One would have thought that something far stronger would have been in order — perhaps a tit-for-tat visa policy. The shaky responses to the provocations betray a sense of hesitancy on the part of the UPA Government to take Beijing head on. We would rather indulge in ‘constructive’ diplomatic engagements to promote bilateral relations in an “all round manner”.
The truth is it is not that New Delhi is faltering in its response to China but that it doesn’t know how to respond in the first place. We have no clear-cut China policy to speak of. As a result we are sceptical of doing anything that can later turn out to be counter-productive. The reason why we are in such a dilemma is because most of our foreign policy attention is focussed on Pakistan. It is because of our obsession with Pakistan, and Pakistan alone, that we have completely ignored China and have created a situation where we risk jeopardising our traditional strategic ties with Nepal, Bhutan, Sri Lanka, Maldives and Bangladesh. Had the Government given equal attention to all the countries in our neighbourhood, perhaps we would have been in a better position to tackle China and its tactics much better. It is time the Government gets on the ball and starts diversifying its foreign policy energies and formulating a concrete China policy. For, if things continue the way they are, there is no telling what other surprises Beijing might slip by us.
It is becoming increasingly apparent that China has a specific strategy vis-à-vis India. It is also becoming evident that New Delhi has little or no clue as to what that is. This can be gauged by the awkward responses the Government has been making. On the Chinese incursions, the Government first tried to play down the intrusions, then said they were nothing new and that the media was guilty of ‘hyping’ things up, and finally meekly added that our armed forces were capable of meeting any challenge. On the visa issue, all that our Ministry of External Affairs could muster up is an expression of “justified concern” to the Chinese Government. One would have thought that something far stronger would have been in order — perhaps a tit-for-tat visa policy. The shaky responses to the provocations betray a sense of hesitancy on the part of the UPA Government to take Beijing head on. We would rather indulge in ‘constructive’ diplomatic engagements to promote bilateral relations in an “all round manner”.
The truth is it is not that New Delhi is faltering in its response to China but that it doesn’t know how to respond in the first place. We have no clear-cut China policy to speak of. As a result we are sceptical of doing anything that can later turn out to be counter-productive. The reason why we are in such a dilemma is because most of our foreign policy attention is focussed on Pakistan. It is because of our obsession with Pakistan, and Pakistan alone, that we have completely ignored China and have created a situation where we risk jeopardising our traditional strategic ties with Nepal, Bhutan, Sri Lanka, Maldives and Bangladesh. Had the Government given equal attention to all the countries in our neighbourhood, perhaps we would have been in a better position to tackle China and its tactics much better. It is time the Government gets on the ball and starts diversifying its foreign policy energies and formulating a concrete China policy. For, if things continue the way they are, there is no telling what other surprises Beijing might slip by us.
Countering Naxalism
Need to devise a suitable strategy
by K Padmanabhaiah
by K Padmanabhaiah
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has reiterated his consistent view that Naxalism poses the gravest internal security threat. He also stated that “We have not achieved as much success as we would have liked in containing this menace.”
During the last one or two months the Union Home Ministry revisited the entire Naxal issue, and launched a series of new initiatives while at the same time strengthening some of the existing anti-Naxalite programmes. A new elite anti-Naxalite force, “CoBRA”, was established. For the first time pro-active steps have been taken to search, seek and destroy arms dumps of the Naxalites by entering into their strongholds in the jungles instead of the reactive and defensive approach followed till now. How effective are these new initiatives going to be? Has the state at last put aside its vacillating policies and are the state governments and the Centre on the same wavelength in their resolve to fight Naxalism, and is there broad agreement in the anti-Naxal policies and programmes ?
Naxalism in India had its beginnings at Naxalbari in West Bengal in the late sixties as a peasant uprising, but was brought under control by 1972. Around the same time it made its presence felt in a big way in Srikakulam district of Andhra Pradesh but by 1972 it was rooted out from the district by determined police action coupled with a serious and sincere developmental effort. However, by 1980 Naxalism took fresh roots in Andhra Pradesh with the formation of the People’s War Group (PWG). It was able to garner intellectual support from some writers, poets and human rights activists. The state followed off and on a vacillating policy of police encounters and peace parleys leading to escalation in Naxal violence.
The year 2005 was described as one of the bloodiest years in Andhra Pradesh as a result of Naxal-police clashes. As recently as in 2006, Andhra Pradesh was being described as a citadel of Naxalism. However, in the last two years Naxalite violence has been controlled in the state very effectively.
In Bihar, Naxalism made its entry into Shahar and Sandesh blocks of Bhojpur district and held sway over this and some other districts for over one decade. Here again during the last two years or so, the government by successful implementation of development programmes at the grassroot levels has been able to make a very strong dent in these two developmental blocks which were the erstwhile strongholds of Naxals.
It is said that the most important factor in ending Maoist dominance in Bihar was panchayat elections. Similarly, it is reported that effective implementation of the Aaswad Project (Aapki Sarkar Aapke Dwar) in Jehanabad district from 2006 seems to have curtailed Maoist influence. Currently the worst-affected states are Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Orissa, Bihar, Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra.
Some basic questions that need to be answered are: What is Naxalism ? Who is a Naxalite? How is the movement financed and sustained? Who constitute the first and second rung leadership? Who constitute the cadres? What percentage of tribals are with the Naxals? Are the tribals or other poorer sections in remote areas being held hostage by the Naxals? The Naxalite leadership does not believe in the state, has no faith in the democratic or parliamentary system of governance, opposes elections, and believes in an armed struggle to overthrow the state.
With all its shortcomings in actual practice, parliamentary democracy has taken root in the country and people voluntarily subscribing to the Naxalite philosophy will be minuscule. Studies of the growth of Naxalism in specific districts have shown that a couple of Naxal leaders from outside ( mostly from Andhra or Bihar) visit the village chosen for making inroads, identify a local person who feels highly aggrieved with the scheme of things in the village, and form a local committee with a couple of other youth under that person’s leadership and give him a couple of guns. The gun helps in extortions.
With a handsome amount of development funds flowing into the rural areas under various schemes, including the NREGA, extortion from the village-level leadership either in collusion or coercion becomes easier. Any resistance is met with extreme and brutal violence. More extortions give more guns and more IEDs.
There is no doubt that Naxalism is the strongest in the remote hilly, forested and underdeveloped areas in the country where the physical (roads, communications, electricity, etc) as well as social infrastructure like schools, health centres, water supply, and policing is abysmally poor. In the absence of adequate policing, the vacuum is occupied by the Naxal ideologues. There is no security and some of the locals are coerced to join the movement. Even food security is a problem in many of these areas.
There is exploitation of the illiterate and the poor by landlords, forest contractors, beedi manufacturers, mining companies, et al. The administration also is very thinly spread and, more often than not, in cohorts with the rich and the powerful. The grievances of the locals are either not heard, or not redressed with any sympathy. The exploited, alienated and frustrated locals form the base of recruitment to the cadres. To win more recruits, Naxal leaders have been saying that they are prepared to support any cause of the exploited masses.
Half-hearted attempts at some development works like roads or electricity supply lines or communication towers are thwarted by the Naxal groups as they have a vested interest in the area remaining undeveloped.
Therefore, arguments like whether emphasis should be on development rather than on policing, or, as someone has put it, welfare vs warfare is futile. Since Naxalite philosophy is based on armed violent conflict with the state, it has to be met and neutralised squarely by a series of adequate policing actions, including intelligence gathering. Simultaneously, determined and sincere efforts must be made to develop these areas by way of physical and social infrastructure, and adequate governmental presence. Mere development alone would not help unless there is empowerment of the local people and a convincing effort in providing social justice.
One can draw lessons from the experience of Andhra Pradesh also. The state government raised a dedicated police force called Grey Hounds in 1989 to fight Naxalism. But the police had to fight a lone battle against the Naxals, with only nominal support by other wings of the administration or even the political leadership in the state. The political leadershlip in a way abdicated its responsibility by merely shifting its political burden to the police, leaving the latter to cope with it to the best of its ability. There was no firm policy with a couple of years of the ban followed by peace overtures mostly on the eve of the Assembly elections. Naxalite groups were banned in 1992, and the same was lifted in 1995 when talks were held for one year. Talks were started in May 2002 but the same colllapsed in 45 days.
Again talks were promised on the eve of elections in May 2004, and seven rounds of talks were held, which collapsed in January 2005. An interesting development was that while the talks were on, the PWG merged with the CPI (M-L) and the MCC in September 2004 to form the CPI (Maoist), a formidable force. This switch-on-switch-off policy was ultimately given up, and in the last two years a multi-pronged strategy of strong police action coupled with sensible development activities led to a great improvement in curbing Naxalism in the state.
The government is now fully conscious of the magnitude of the Naxalite challenge. For a change there is determination to fight the menace with all means available to the government. There is a commonality of purpose between the Centre and state governments, and they are following a proactive policy, both as regards policing and development. This should yield the necessary results. However, the government should be conscious of the fact that Naxalites are now spreading their tentacles into marine warfare (their actions in the riverine areas bordering Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Orissa and their attack on the Grey Hound force in Balimela reservoir), into mobile warfare (in Jharkhand), into communal clashes (Kandhamal) and into urban areas (Maharashtra) and hence the need to devise a suitable strategy to handle them.
The writer is a former Union Home Secretary
Strength ensures peace
Antony, IAF chief evoke confidence
It is good that Defence Minister A K Antony and Air Force chief Air Chief Marshal PV Naik have reassured the country in no uncertain terms that India is busy strengthening its capabilities, just as China is doing. After the drubbing we got in 1962, there are bound to be misgivings in the minds of many whether we are now any better prepared to withstand a similar onslaught. That is why Mr Antony was candid in admitting that while earlier we were “doing nothing”, the government in the past few years has been bolstering the infrastructure. As was mentioned by the air chief some days ago, our air power is only one-third that of China, but we are not sitting ducks either, as was the case in 1962. Much has happened in these 47 years and, in fact, learning from the past mistakes, defence is getting the priority that it deserves. There are numerous shortcomings, but at least things are on the upswing. The nation seems to have learnt the lesson that building strength is the best defence for the country.
This confidence shows in the way India has been dealing with China. Despite the 1962 war, India has engaged with China maturely without letting the past cloud the future for ever. It has rightly not allowed itself to be perturbed over minor incursions and arguments by the Chinese in various sectors. What is all the more creditworthy is the fact that the Indian Army joined in China’s 60-year celebrations whole-heartedly. On the whole two nations have sought to ensure that pending a border settlement peace and tranquility should prevail all along the Line of Actual Control.
Unfortunately, China has soured the atmosphere by starting to issue visas to Kashmiris on separate sheets and not on their passports. The move is being seen as an attempt by Beijing to question the status of Jammu and Kashmir. Apparently, all this is being done to please Pakistan. There is need to take up the matter with China. While good-neighbourly relations have to be maintained, that does not mean that New Delhi should take irritants lightly.
Army training best: Lamba
Shimla, October 2
The training standard of the Army is the best in the world because the curriculum is dynamic and in-sync with the latest developments both in the field of technology as also doctrines, concepts and philosophy.
The training standard of the Army is the best in the world because the curriculum is dynamic and in-sync with the latest developments both in the field of technology as also doctrines, concepts and philosophy.
Lt-Gen AS Lamba, the new GOC-in-C of the Army Training Command (ARTRAC) who assumed charge here yesterday, said ARTRAC was the “think tank” of the Indian Army. “It is the nodal agency for evolution of concepts, doctrines and institutionalised training,” he said.
He said ARTRAC was mandated to train the Army to successfully undertake operation across the entire spectrum of conflicts, both in peace and war.
“The Army follows a methodical route of analysis of the prevailing security environment, capabilities of our potential adversaries and technological upgrades to evolution of doctrines, concepts and philosophies all of which in turn are absorbed into the training syllabus,” he highlighted.
“Our priorities here at ARTRAC will be absorption of latest technologies, leadership training, information warfare and joint training with other services,” he opined.
He said war gaming and simulation were the “buzz words” in the latest training methodology, which were being incorporated into the Army as well.
Lt-Gen Lamba said the training modules were being constantly updated and upgraded to suit the changing security environment and field requirements and very much in consonance with ARTRAC motto “excellence in the art and science of war”.
“Issues like shift in focus from Pakistan to China are in the realm of national security analysis where the aim is perhaps to strike a balance in our operations,” he said in reply to a query.
When asked about the proposed Manali-Leh rail line, he said though the issue was beyond the realm of ARTRAC, it definitely indicated the deep concern of the people of Himachal Pradesh.
Govt’s flexibility assurance mollifies IITs
Salaries unchanged, institute boards to frame recruitment, promotion policies
Aditi Tandon
Tribune News Service
Tribune News Service
New Delhi, October 2
The two-month-old stir of the IIT Faculty Federation for better pay and promotion policies at the premiere institutes ended today, with the government yielding to the protesters, but not quite.
Keeping the contentious salary structure of teachers unchanged, Human Resource Development Minister Kapil Sibal assured the agitating teachers of complete flexibility and autonomy of the IIT system in terms of appointments and promotions.
Emerging from an hour-long meeting with federation members at his residence, Sibal, in a significant departure from the past, said the government had agreed in principle that the guidelines it recently issued in relation to IIT faculty appointments and promotions “were only in the nature of norms, from which the IIT board/directors could deviate in exceptional conditions, which they could themselves define”.
Simply put, Sibal’s assurance means the guidelines are not binding on IITs and can be revisited if the situation so demands. For example, if in a particular discipline of the IIT, there is dearth of faculty, the institute can appoint an assistant professor without honouring the government norm of three-year teaching requirement for IIT faculty at entry. Also, the IIT can absorb the said teacher on regular basis early or later (government mandates contractual appointment) based on his performance.
“Similarly, if there are more deserving professors in the system, the 40 per cent cap on promotions can be reviewed. Ours is not an ideological stand; it is dynamic, not static. But the IIT boards would have to set up their own benchmarks and norms for promoting excellence. They must also come up with a vision for the future and recruitment policy considering their expansion. We are for every move that strengthens the IIT autonomy,” Sibal said, leaving the federation “happy and clear” with his flexibility assurance.
“The minister has clarified our gravest concerns. We are happy that the government proposals won’t rob the IITs of their flexibility. We flourish under the flexible cadre system. But for it, many of us would not even be there,” Dr Soumyo Mukerji of the IIT, Bombay, told The Tribune.
Federation head M Thenmozhi said the government had rested the doubts by terming its proposals dynamic and not static. “We have been assured that norms can be taken up at the institute level. That’s a welcome sign. Salary was not our only concern,” she said.
The MHRD has, meanwhile, asked the federation to raise its other “minor concerns” with the IIT board, which will meet in the capital tomorrow. Broadly, the government has left it on the board to frame the future strategy of IITs with respect to appointments, promotions and autonomy. The board’s proposals will be discussed at the IIT council meeting on October 19.
Sibal also said he would ensure regular redressal of IITs’ concerns through meetings of the IIT council, which hasn’t sat in a long time. “Today on Gandhi Jayanti, we want to tell the country that all is well between the government and the IITs. Both of us want excellence at IITs,” he said.
Federation members were elated over an audience with the minister. “Until a few days back, he was not willing to see us,” said a professor.
Institutes to evolve own norms
New Delhi: The HRD Ministry on Friday asked IIT boards to evolve their own system of appointments and promotions.
To begin with, the ministry has agreed to IITs’ demand of dropping the term “lecturer” from the faculty cadre as is the case with Central universities.
On the demand of recruiting a fresh appointee on regular basis as against contractual, the ministry holds that contracts would give IITs an opportunity to watch the performance of an appointee before a formal appointment. “A stage of probation is applicable to all jobs. We feel a faculty member selected as assistant professor should be assured that he will eventually be taken in as regular faculty. The IIT boards will have the freedom to absorb such a person in regular service, delay or shorten the time of such regularisation,” the MHRD says.
With the IITs opposing the ministry’s stand that only 10 per cent of the total faculty strength would be fresh appointees, Sibal said that the norm is of an advisory nature.
Another debate is this - when an assistant professor applies for promotion as associate professor, the experience required under the Fifth Pay Commission was eight years. The ministry reduced this to six, but IITs want flexibility here.
Further, IITs are against associate professors being asked to put in four years of teaching before seeking professorship.
While the MHRD today allowed IITs flexibility on this norm too, it feels an associate professor must have reasonable experience at an institute of national or international excellence to become a professor. “The background of applying candidates can be verified by selection committees,” says MHRD.
The ministry has also asked the IITs to evolve an innovative performance-related incentive scheme, recently approved by the cabinet. On the norm of three years experience needed at entry level for faculty, it has said the guideline could be ignored if there is dearth of faculty. — TNS
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