Any talk of granting democratic, human and development rights to the people of Balochistan, struggling to shake off the yoke of Islamabad 's rule for decades, touches a raw nerve in the military-political establishment. Pakistan has still not recovered from the shock of the Khan of Kalat choosing independence over accession to Pakistan in the wake of the partition in 1947. He was forced to sign an accession paper after his palace was bombed by the Pakistan Air Force, making it clear he was doing so under duress and to ensure autonomy for Balochistan.
Ever since Islamabad has launched four major military campaigns against the Baloch people, killing thousands, but has failed to subdue them. They have been denied full autonomy, a fair share of development and resources and control of their natural wealth. They have opposed fundamentalism and attempts to bring them under the control of the mullahs, whom Gen Zia-ul-Haq and Musharraf had promoted. Islamabad has pushed in Al Qaeda and the Taliban into the province as a safe haven for operations against the US and NATO forces in Afghanistan , the people detest the presence of such foreign elements, as also the Army garrisons stationed in the province to continue military suppression of the nationalist forces.
To cover up its failure to integrate the Balochs, Pakistan has been looking for scapegoats and a hidden "Indian hand" for what is happening in Balochistan, with nationalists battling the Army and sabotaging vital communication links and the gas supply pipelines to show their resentment. The people continue to languish in poverty and ignorance, with little hope of relief with Islamabad having decided to tighten its military control. An informal media censorship has been clamped and nobody knows how many Baloch nationalists and Army personnel are getting killed in the continuing clashes.
Several Baloch leaders have even been critical of India for not promoting the cause of freedom and nationalism of the Baloch people, who are denied their fundamental freedoms, human rights and the right to conduct their own affairs, without outside interference. Balochistan is Pakistan 's largest province, comprising 43 percent of its territory, but with only 6.5 million inhabitants. The Baloch's now comprise nearly 50 per cent of the people as many of them have been forced to migrate to other provinces in search of livelihood. The literacy rate of the province is only 5 per cent, while it provides 80 per cent of Pakistan 's natural gas, saving Islamabad at least $ 350million annually, while getting a meager $ 1.5 million for it as royalty. Most of the natural gas is sent out and even capital city of Quetta does not get supplies for domestic use.
As regards unemployment, there are hardly any industries to provide the same. The development of Gwadar strategic port along the Makran coast being built by the Chinese and its housing infrastructure has occupied most of the coastal area, which was used for fishing. Even this activity has been hampered as fishermen have been asked to vacate their huts. Out of the 830 civilian officers in the province, less than 12 per cent are Baloch. Of the 20 administrative departments, only one is headed by a Baloch and the rest come mainly form Punjab province. The private sector of the economy, trade, contractors, land development for housing etc is in the hands of non-Balochs, who reap all the benefits, leaving the locals high and dry.
Thus, economically, Balochistan is the most backward province of Pakistan and during sixty years of Pakistan 's independence, there has been no significant socio-economic changes. Of the nearly 40,000 personnel of the Frontier Constabulary, only 500 are from the province. Only 3 per cent of the coast guards are ethnic Balochs; 62 per cent are from Punjab . Matters came to a head when former Prime Minister Z. A. Bhutto dismissed the provincial government headed by Sarder Attaullah Mengal, leading to the outbreak of civil war. Led by the Baloch Peoples Liberation Front and Balochi Students Organisation, some 10,000 guerrillas took on six division of the Pakistan Army, which was provided close air support, Napalm was used to destroy Baloch tribes' most valuable economic asset, their livestock.
As many as 5,300 Baloch nationalists, 3,300 Pakistani troops and tens and thousands of civilians were killed in the desperate fighting which dragged on until Bhutto was overthrown. Political engagement would have offered a way out, but the Pakistan Army was not interested. At the core of the problem was Army's efforts to remove the tribal sardars and replace them with its favourite Islamists. Balochistan and NWFP came under the rule of ultra-right Muttahida-Majlis-E-Amal. Though the Islamists never had a role in Pakistan politics, the army helped them to come to power in the two provinces, hoping that the MMA would be counter-weight to nationalist and democratic parties, as well, the tribal chiefs.
But the Sardars hit back, with numerous attacks by the Baloch National Army against gas installations, Army convoys and infrastructure. The gas supply to the rest of Pakistan remained disrupted for weeks, leading to the closure of the dependent industries. By sidelining mainstream parties in favour of Islamists. President Musharraf alienated both the old non-religious tribal leadership, as well as, the new secular urban middle class of Balochistan who saw no economic or political space for themselves in the new military-mullah dispensation. Thus the new military campaign started in 2004 which continues till this day. There was no respite despite the military killing one of the most popular Baloch leaders, Nawab Akbar Bugti in a bombing raid, which inflamed passions further and widened the divide between the Pakistan Government controlled by the Army and the people, seeking justice and human and democratic rights.
Much of Islamabad 's experiment in social and political engineering is deeply resented, as is the increasing dominance of Punjab in Islamabad . Gen Musharraf confronted the Sardars with a "do-or-die" choice. But the Sardars, who have considerable following, are completely united. The Balochs have kept up their insurgency and impose heavy costs on the Pakistani establishment for keeping them under military rule. The Sardars, leaders from ordinary backgrounds and civil society have come together under the banner of Ittehad. The present movement, consequently, is an inclusive movement representing wide Baloch national interests and there has been increasing popular consciousness of exploitation by Islamabad among the common people. This has translated into a calibrated and widely-dispersed campaign of attacks virtually across the length and breadth of Balochistan.
The insurgency is also linked mega projects being built in Balochistan -- Gwadar deep-sea port, Mirani Dam, Coastal Highway and Sandik Gold project. These projects hardly provide any employment to Balochs, and sare staffed by outsiders. Balochs regard them as instruments of exploitation of local resources, without any benefit to them and create avenues for outsiders to settle down and alter the demographic composition of the province. A parliamentary Committee set up in 2004 made a slew of recommendations to meet the demands and aspirations of the Balochs. It suggested increase in gas royalty, maximum representation to Balochs in development projects, crating job opportunities for them, ensure greater devolution of funds from Islamabad and grant autonomy to the province.
Though the autonomy demand found some support among the opposition parties at that time, the political turmoil that followed has shelved the entire question with the present government worried about its own survival. The people had hoped that the present PPP led Government would attempt reconciliation by coming up with a package of measures based on the recommendations of the parliamentary committee, but nothing of the sort is happening. On the other hands, the Army has intensified its campaign to suppress the people and arrest their leaders on a mass scale. Hundreds are missing from their homes and there is no knowledge about their whereabouts. The military-bureaucratic-intelligence structure continues to dictate policy, forcing the Balochistan Liberation Army to intensify its campaign for independence.
As A.Z.K. Sherdil, former Chief Secretary of Balochistan points out continued military rule has led to excessive interference of the armed forces in civilian affairs. He warns against further military action and stresses the need for dialogue to ensure stability and end insurgency, which has deep local roots.
MK Dhar, NPA
Ever since Islamabad has launched four major military campaigns against the Baloch people, killing thousands, but has failed to subdue them. They have been denied full autonomy, a fair share of development and resources and control of their natural wealth. They have opposed fundamentalism and attempts to bring them under the control of the mullahs, whom Gen Zia-ul-Haq and Musharraf had promoted. Islamabad has pushed in Al Qaeda and the Taliban into the province as a safe haven for operations against the US and NATO forces in Afghanistan , the people detest the presence of such foreign elements, as also the Army garrisons stationed in the province to continue military suppression of the nationalist forces.
To cover up its failure to integrate the Balochs, Pakistan has been looking for scapegoats and a hidden "Indian hand" for what is happening in Balochistan, with nationalists battling the Army and sabotaging vital communication links and the gas supply pipelines to show their resentment. The people continue to languish in poverty and ignorance, with little hope of relief with Islamabad having decided to tighten its military control. An informal media censorship has been clamped and nobody knows how many Baloch nationalists and Army personnel are getting killed in the continuing clashes.
Several Baloch leaders have even been critical of India for not promoting the cause of freedom and nationalism of the Baloch people, who are denied their fundamental freedoms, human rights and the right to conduct their own affairs, without outside interference. Balochistan is Pakistan 's largest province, comprising 43 percent of its territory, but with only 6.5 million inhabitants. The Baloch's now comprise nearly 50 per cent of the people as many of them have been forced to migrate to other provinces in search of livelihood. The literacy rate of the province is only 5 per cent, while it provides 80 per cent of Pakistan 's natural gas, saving Islamabad at least $ 350million annually, while getting a meager $ 1.5 million for it as royalty. Most of the natural gas is sent out and even capital city of Quetta does not get supplies for domestic use.
As regards unemployment, there are hardly any industries to provide the same. The development of Gwadar strategic port along the Makran coast being built by the Chinese and its housing infrastructure has occupied most of the coastal area, which was used for fishing. Even this activity has been hampered as fishermen have been asked to vacate their huts. Out of the 830 civilian officers in the province, less than 12 per cent are Baloch. Of the 20 administrative departments, only one is headed by a Baloch and the rest come mainly form Punjab province. The private sector of the economy, trade, contractors, land development for housing etc is in the hands of non-Balochs, who reap all the benefits, leaving the locals high and dry.
Thus, economically, Balochistan is the most backward province of Pakistan and during sixty years of Pakistan 's independence, there has been no significant socio-economic changes. Of the nearly 40,000 personnel of the Frontier Constabulary, only 500 are from the province. Only 3 per cent of the coast guards are ethnic Balochs; 62 per cent are from Punjab . Matters came to a head when former Prime Minister Z. A. Bhutto dismissed the provincial government headed by Sarder Attaullah Mengal, leading to the outbreak of civil war. Led by the Baloch Peoples Liberation Front and Balochi Students Organisation, some 10,000 guerrillas took on six division of the Pakistan Army, which was provided close air support, Napalm was used to destroy Baloch tribes' most valuable economic asset, their livestock.
As many as 5,300 Baloch nationalists, 3,300 Pakistani troops and tens and thousands of civilians were killed in the desperate fighting which dragged on until Bhutto was overthrown. Political engagement would have offered a way out, but the Pakistan Army was not interested. At the core of the problem was Army's efforts to remove the tribal sardars and replace them with its favourite Islamists. Balochistan and NWFP came under the rule of ultra-right Muttahida-Majlis-E-Amal. Though the Islamists never had a role in Pakistan politics, the army helped them to come to power in the two provinces, hoping that the MMA would be counter-weight to nationalist and democratic parties, as well, the tribal chiefs.
But the Sardars hit back, with numerous attacks by the Baloch National Army against gas installations, Army convoys and infrastructure. The gas supply to the rest of Pakistan remained disrupted for weeks, leading to the closure of the dependent industries. By sidelining mainstream parties in favour of Islamists. President Musharraf alienated both the old non-religious tribal leadership, as well as, the new secular urban middle class of Balochistan who saw no economic or political space for themselves in the new military-mullah dispensation. Thus the new military campaign started in 2004 which continues till this day. There was no respite despite the military killing one of the most popular Baloch leaders, Nawab Akbar Bugti in a bombing raid, which inflamed passions further and widened the divide between the Pakistan Government controlled by the Army and the people, seeking justice and human and democratic rights.
Much of Islamabad 's experiment in social and political engineering is deeply resented, as is the increasing dominance of Punjab in Islamabad . Gen Musharraf confronted the Sardars with a "do-or-die" choice. But the Sardars, who have considerable following, are completely united. The Balochs have kept up their insurgency and impose heavy costs on the Pakistani establishment for keeping them under military rule. The Sardars, leaders from ordinary backgrounds and civil society have come together under the banner of Ittehad. The present movement, consequently, is an inclusive movement representing wide Baloch national interests and there has been increasing popular consciousness of exploitation by Islamabad among the common people. This has translated into a calibrated and widely-dispersed campaign of attacks virtually across the length and breadth of Balochistan.
The insurgency is also linked mega projects being built in Balochistan -- Gwadar deep-sea port, Mirani Dam, Coastal Highway and Sandik Gold project. These projects hardly provide any employment to Balochs, and sare staffed by outsiders. Balochs regard them as instruments of exploitation of local resources, without any benefit to them and create avenues for outsiders to settle down and alter the demographic composition of the province. A parliamentary Committee set up in 2004 made a slew of recommendations to meet the demands and aspirations of the Balochs. It suggested increase in gas royalty, maximum representation to Balochs in development projects, crating job opportunities for them, ensure greater devolution of funds from Islamabad and grant autonomy to the province.
Though the autonomy demand found some support among the opposition parties at that time, the political turmoil that followed has shelved the entire question with the present government worried about its own survival. The people had hoped that the present PPP led Government would attempt reconciliation by coming up with a package of measures based on the recommendations of the parliamentary committee, but nothing of the sort is happening. On the other hands, the Army has intensified its campaign to suppress the people and arrest their leaders on a mass scale. Hundreds are missing from their homes and there is no knowledge about their whereabouts. The military-bureaucratic-intelligence structure continues to dictate policy, forcing the Balochistan Liberation Army to intensify its campaign for independence.
As A.Z.K. Sherdil, former Chief Secretary of Balochistan points out continued military rule has led to excessive interference of the armed forces in civilian affairs. He warns against further military action and stresses the need for dialogue to ensure stability and end insurgency, which has deep local roots.
MK Dhar, NPA
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